The adolescent must first （)himself from the way he related to them in the past.

A.forbade children to go out at night

B.limited time for phone use

C.fixed a time when the child must be home

D.controlled adolescent's insatiable (无法满足的) appetite for food

The phrase "laid down the law on curfew" (Sentence 2, Para graph 2)most probably means ______.

A．forbade children to go out at night

B．limited time for phone use

C．fixed a time when the child must be home

D．controlled adolescent's insatiable (无法满足的) appetite for food

ntal tasks that enable them to create an identity. Its important to accept ones physique. The beginning of puberty and the rate of body changes for adolescent varies tremendously. How easily adolescents deal with those changes will【B1】______reflect how closely their bodies match the well-defined【B2】______of the "perfect" body for young women and young men. Adolescents who do not match it may need【B3】______support from adults to improve their feelings of comfort and self-worth regarding their physique. Try to achieve emotional independence from parents. Children derive strength from【B4】______their parents values and attitudes. Adolescents, 【B5】______, must redefine their【B6】______of personal strength and move toward self-reliance. This change is【B7】______if the adolescent and parents can agree on some level of【B8】______that increases over time.【B9】______, parents and adolescents should set a time by which children must be back home. That time should be increased【B10】______the adolescent matures. Prepare for an economic career. In our society, an adolescent【B11】______adult status when he or she is able to【B12】______support himself or herself. This task has become more【B13】______than in the past because the job market demands increased education and skills. Today, this developmental task is generally not achieved【B14】______late adolescence or early adulthood, after the individual completes her/his education and gains some entry level work experience. Adolescents can think abstractly and about possible situations. With these【B15】______in thinking, the adolescent is able to develop his or her own【B16】______of values and beliefs. Thus, it is essential to take an ideology as a guide to behavior. The family is where children define themselves and their world. Adolescents【B17】______themselves and their world from their new social roles. Status【B18】______the community, beyond that of family is an important achievement for older adolescents and young adults. Adolescents and young adults become members of the larger community【B19】______employment(financial independence)and【B20】______independence from parents.

【B1】

A．partly

B．seriously

C．completely

D．hardly

A.like

B.as

C.than

D.but

t the problem of moral values and standards【C1】______ during his adolescence. The young child lives according to a set of rules already established by his parents faces【C2】______ demands for making moral choices. However, the adolescent faces a【C3】______ world with increasing speed and variety, and this fact in【C4】______ requires a reappraisal of his value system.【C5】______ complicated matters is that he himself is【C6】______ changing physiologically, socially and【C7】______ . In his increased sophistication, he can no longer adopt【C8】______ questioning the social benefits moral values of his parents. He finds【C9】______ there are many ways to live his life and that he must【C10】______ his independent choices. He is confronted with a 【C11】______ range of conflicting pressures in the adoption of personal values. 【C12】______ often the peer group urges one set of values and the parents【C13】______ and in most eases he may be motivated to【C14】______ to the values of his peers to gain acceptance and to【C15】______ rejection. Then other influences enter the moral choices — that of teachers, the religion, the mass【C16】______ . Finally, the adolescent may change one or【C17】______ of his moral standards as a result of【C18】______ experience, sometimes exerting an ever-lasting psychological pain and【C19】______ involving interpersonal relation which leads him to【C20】______ the consistence of his value system.

【C1】

A．like

B．as

C．than

D．but

vidual: ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills; the ability to manage abstractness, to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These are accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles.

The child's rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge I mean more than the dull "facts" such as the composition of country government, that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade school course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facts of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent's absorption of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can "appropriately" demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the "proper" relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts. Much of the naivete that characterizes the younger adolescent's grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of "facts" but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of which is and not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.

Yet I do not want to over-emphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology, Over the years I have become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition, has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count numbers in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their heads many random hits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information.

Children's minds pick up bits and pieces of data, but until the adolescent has grasped the encompassing function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered.

The author's primary purpose in the text is to ______.

A．clarify the kinds of understanding an adolescent must have in order to develop a political ideology

B．dispute the theory that a political ideology can be acquired during adolescence

C．explain why adolescents are generally uninterested in political arguments

D．suggest various means of encouraging adolescents to develop personal political ideologies

A.NCI has taken effective measures

B.smoking is prevented among high school seniors

C.there are many smokers who have died of cancer

D.none of these

1 During the adolescence, the development of political ideology becomes apparent in the individual; ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing, though perhaps tacit, set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills, the ability to manage abstractness, to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These are accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles.

2 The child's rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge I mean more than the dreary "facts" such as the composition of county government that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade civics course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent's absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can "appropriately" demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the "proper" relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts. Much of the naivete that characterizes the younger adolescent's grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of "facts" but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of what is and not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.

3 Yet I do not want to overemphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology. Over the years I have become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition, has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count members in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their head many random bits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information.

4 Like magpies, children's minds pick up bits and pieces of data. If you encourage them, they will drop these at your feet Republicans and Democrats, the tripartite division of the federal system, perhaps even the capital of Massachusetts. But until the adolescent has grasped the integumental function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered.

The author's primary purpose in the passage is to ______.

A．clarify the kinds of understanding an adolescent must have in order to develop a political ideology

B．dispute the theory that a political ideology can be acquired during adolescence

C．explain why adolescents are generally uninterested in political arguments

D．suggest various means of encouraging adolescents to develop personal political ideologies

ndividual; ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing, though perhaps tacit, set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills: the ability to manage abstractness, to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These are accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles.

2 The child's rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge I mean more than the dreary "facts" such as the composition of county government that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade civics course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent's absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can "appropriately" demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the "proper" relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts. Much of the naivete that characterizes the younger adolescent's grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of "facts" but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of what is and not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.

3 Yet I do not want to overemphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology. Over the years I have Become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition, has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count members in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their head many random bits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information.

4 Like magpies, children's minds pick up bits and pieces of data. If you encourage them, they will drop these at your feet—Republicans and Democrats, the tripartite division of the federal system, perhaps even the capital of Massachusetts. But until the adolescent has grasped the integumental function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered.

The author's primary purpose in the passage is to ____________.

A．clarify the kinds of understanding an adolescent must have in order to develop a political ideology

B．dispute the theory that a political ideology can be acquired during adolescence

C．explain why adolescents are generally uninterested in political arguments

D．suggest various means of encouraging adolescents to develop personal political ideologies